Ageing and coastal communities

Up until now, demographic ageing has tended to be seen as a ‘pensions and care’ issue in the UK, with older people viewed as dependent and as a growing burden on society. 

A recent survey by Saga revealed the aspirational nature of older people: they didn’t see retirement as something that comes at the end of life, but something that marked a new life.

Advances in medicine, education, diet, living conditions and material wealth throughout the last century contributed to increased longevity, falling mortality and a falling birth rate among the populations of most advanced societies. This led to a changing population age profile, so that older age groups now outnumber younger age groups – a situation described as demographic ageing.

Populations are ageing in both the developed and developing worlds, although at varying rates in different countries. In the United Kingdom, the proportion of the population aged under 16 years fell from 25 to 19 per cent between 1971 and 2004. In contrast, the proportion aged 65 and over increased from 13 to 16 per cent. The most marked increase has been in the proportion of the population aged over 85, due largely to people living longer.¹ In August 2009, it was reported that there were 1.3 million people aged over 85 in the UK, a record number, making up 2 per cent of the total population.² This ageing trend is expected to continue to increase in future as those born in the ‘baby booms’ after the Second World War reach retirement and as the number of people in the younger age groups continues to decline.

In common with other sections of the population, the older generation of today is increasingly diverse in terms of its cultural background, skills, lifetime experiences, health, mobility and geographical location. Some older people are wealthy, whereas others live in poverty – and evidence suggests that the gap is increasing. This heterogeneity is an important aspect of the policy context around age.³

In the UK’s rural areas the ageing population trend is particularly marked. This is a result of the out-migration of younger age groups and selective migration into rural and coastal areas by older age groups – especially those aged over 35 who then age in situ.⁴ In 2006, the median age of the rural population in England was 44.4, compared to 38.5 years for the urban population.⁵ This median figure is rising faster in rural than urban areas, and particularly in the sparse areas.⁶ Compared to urban areas, rural communities, especially the smaller ones, now have a higher proportion of people in the age groups 40–64 and 65 and over. Conversely, in the last 20 years, the proportion of people aged 15–24 in rural areas has fallen from 21 to 15 per cent.⁷ Despite a common perception of ‘retirement to the countryside’ in the UK, generally speaking, retirement in-migration makes only a minor contribution to the greying countryside, with only around 10 per cent of rural in-migrants being retired.⁸

Behind the headline median age figures are marked geographic variations in the age structure of the population. Britain’s coasts have long been popular destinations for in-migrants in older age groups. Data presented by the Commission for Rural Communities in 2007 shows a concentration of older people in the population of coastal locations of England, including Lincolnshire, East Anglia, the South East and the South West (with the latter being particularly striking).⁹

Daniel Vickers and colleagues at the University of Leeds produced a classification of UK local authorities. In the classification there are nine classes within the category ‘Family B, Rural UK’, three of which make up ‘Group B2 – Coastal Britain’ which includes a total of 44 local authorities. The 44 local authorities in ‘Coastal Britain’ account for around 8 per cent of the UK population and are generally characterised by a large number of retired people, many of whom live alone. There are also many couples without children, women working on a part-time basis, below average health and some holiday/second home accommodation.¹⁰

Within ‘Coastal Britain’ there are three classifications that were used as the basis for analysing demographic data from the 2001 Census:

• Coastal resorts – local authorities that contain large towns/cities that are holiday centres (mostly beach resorts), a high proportion of very old people many of whom live alone, below average health (linked to the older population), and a significant number of households with two adults and no children.
• Aged coastal extremities – local authorities that are all on the coast with no urban areas of any great size, an aged population with below average health, few women working full time, a higher than average proportion of the workforce employed in agriculture, many pensioners living alone, and a higher than expected number of homes with no central heating.
• Aged coastal resorts – local authorities that all have a coastal location and contain several small towns but no major urban areas, many areas contain coastal resorts that are in decline, a very old population structure with a high proportion of pensioners living alone, many households with two adults and no children, low full-time female employment and a higher than expected number of people in self-employment.
  

The median age of residents in 2001 was found to be highest in ‘aged coastal resorts’ (48 years), although ‘coastal resorts’ (41) and ‘aged coastal extremities’ (42) also had median ages higher than those in Great Britain (38) and in urban England (36). ‘Aged coastal resorts’ also had the highest proportion of their population aged over 65 (26 per cent), although the proportions in ‘aged coastal extremities’ and ‘coastal resorts’ (20 and 21per cent, respectively) were again higher than the Great Britain average (16 per cent).

'Aged coastal resorts’ had 14 per cent of their population aged 75 and over in 2001, compared to 11per cent in ‘coastal resorts’ and 10 per cent in ‘aged coastal extremities’ (and 7.5 per cent in Great Britain). In terms of the proportion of people aged 85 and over, it was again highest in ‘aged coastal resorts’, compared to ‘coastal resorts’ and  ‘aged coastal extremities’, but all were higher than Great Britain as a whole.

Retirees made up the highest proportion of the population aged 16–74 in ‘aged coastal resorts’ in 2001 (21 per cent), compared to 17 per cent in ‘aged coastal extremities’ and 16 per cent in ‘coastal resorts’ (14 per cent in Great Britain as a whole).

Looking at trends over time reveals a complex and variable pattern in the age structures of these areas. The general pattern is that ‘aged coastal extremities’ experienced an increase in the proportion of their population aged over 65 between 1981 and 2001. As a whole, ‘aged coastal resorts’ experienced a slight fluctuation in the proportion of their population aged 65 and over between 1981 and 2001, while ‘coastal resorts’ have seen a decrease in the proportion. It is important to note that these changes reflect somewhat lower birth rates during the inter-war years, so they are not necessarily a good indication of likely patterns over the next 20 years as baby-boomers reach later working age and retirement.

Beatty and Fothergill’s work revealed substantial net in-migration to seaside towns amongst both men and women during the last few decades.¹¹ The authors note the importance of this in-migration as a driver for economic development as most of these ‘pre-retired’ are not wanting to give up work and may be keen to take local jobs. It can also drive employment growth in consumer and public services such as education and health, and generate extra spending.

Before moving on to talk about the implications of demographic ageing for coastal locations, it is interesting to note that the Rural Evidence Research Centre (RERC) at Birkbeck has recently developed a typology of the 1353 settlements in England and Wales with populations between 1500 and 40,000 (in 2001). Eight groupings of towns have been developed based on the demographic, economic and social characteristics of the people who live in them (48 variables from the 2001 Census were used). Although small coastal towns feature in a number of the groups, Group 3 (older persons, leisure jobs) has an overwhelmingly coastal geography. In terms of their characteristics, towns in this group are characterised by older people, single pensioners, hotel and restaurant workers, part-time and home workers, and second-home owners. The average size of the 123 towns in this group is 4950 (the total population is 0.61 million) and they saw an average growth in population of 3.8 per cent between 2001 and 2006. More information about the RERC work is available on-line,¹² and this typology may be useful in future as a means of analysing the changing characteristics of coastal towns.

Up until now, demographic ageing has tended to be seen as a ‘pensions and care’ issue in the UK, with older people viewed as dependent and as a growing burden on society. Stereotypes of older people as ‘takers’ rather than ‘givers’ can contribute to discrimination, social exclusion and isolation.¹³ Ageing has profound implications for wider economic and social policymaking and is critical for policies related to economic growth, employment, productivity and social cohesion.¹⁴ However, it is increasingly recognised that older people, while bringing challenges for local and regional infrastructure, can also provide a potential driver for a regional economy. A recent survey by Saga (as reported in the Guardian) revealed the aspirational nature of older people: they didn’t see retirement as something that comes at the end of life, but rather as something that marked a new life.¹⁵

A growing body of research shows that older people, including those approaching or over state pensionable age, want to remain economically and socially active. While some wish to remain in full- or part-time employment, others may wish to start up their own business, work on a flexible basis from home, provide care for grandchildren, elderly parents and friends, or engage in learning opportunities. Levels of participation in voluntary and social enterprise activities are increasing among those in later life, and many older people are active in community groups, churches and schemes such as Neighbourhood Watch. Many older people are more wealthy than ever before and do not wish to save money ‘for a rainy day’ or to pass an inheritance to family. They are increasingly discerning consumers who demand choice and quality.

Rural areas, and particularly rural areas along Britain’s coast, are at the forefront of demographic ageing, which will become more marked in future. This represents a tremendous opportunity for these areas to develop innovative, cutting-edge and proactive approaches to dealing with the implications of this trend. Two possible models may be pursued, which can be termed the pre-retirement model and the retirement industry model. Both represent progressive approaches focusing on deliberately drawing in more people in the pre-retired and retired age groups. The key is to make the most of the resources that both the indigenous population and the in-migrants in these age groups have to offer as a catalyst for future economic development. An approach that simply tries to deal with an increasingly elderly population restricts the process of demographic ageing to too much of a problem: instead the focus is on enhancing the capacity of coastal areas to develop economically and socially by operating models that are based on seeing the opportunities provided by demographic ageing.

Analysis suggests that coastal areas are attracting large numbers of people who have reached later working age. The pre-retirement model draws on the positive resources and benefits that these individuals can bring, not least in terms of continuing economic activity and employment (be it full-time, part-time, self-employment or flexible work from home). Evidence suggests that older people are more successful in starting and sustaining a new business than their younger counterparts,¹⁶ and Atherton and Frith suggest that the pre-retired may have a crucial role to play in raising productivity and the rate of new business starts in Lincolnshire, for example.¹⁷ Evidence also suggests that in-migrating pre-retirees have a high level of educational and vocational qualifications,¹⁸ and many wish to further their qualifications. The pre-retired also make a sizeable contribution through their spending patterns, and Baker and Speakman suggest that people in their fifties are more likely than their predecessors to try new ideas and approaches in consumer products and behaviour.¹⁹ The pre-retired can also make a substantial contribution to the vitality of their local communities through their engagement in social enterprises and voluntary and community sector activities, including caring responsibilities for family members, friends or neighbours.²⁰

Analysis also suggests that coastal locations are home to substantial numbers of people who have reached retirement age. As with the pre-retired, many of these individuals are more active, healthy and wealthy than ever before. Many wish to remain economically active beyond the state retirement age, and thus will undergo a transition out of the labour market rather than taking an abrupt step into retirement and ‘old age’. Other retirees wish to spend time engaged in voluntary activities. Work by the Office for National Statistics in 1997 revealed that 45 per cent of those aged 65–74 and 35 per cent of those aged over 75 engaged in some form of organised voluntary work. Wenger , in her 1992 study of the over-65s in rural areas, found that most older people continued to lead social and domestic lives as usual and many more gave help than received it, particularly in supporting adult children and grandchildren.²¹

At the same time, some older people will require a range of health, transport and retail services, and the increasing demand may result in improvements in this infrastructure and the creation of new employment opportunities that may help to stem the out-migration of young people. Evidence also suggests that planned retirement villages, which are a relatively new phenomenon in the UK, bring positive impacts for local communities as well as for older people themselves.²² Much of the income of retirees comes from transfer payments and pensions, and these sources provide high employment multipliers in local economies since evidence suggests that older people tend to use local services.²³ While the idea of attracting retirees to a locality in the UK is somewhat new, evidence from the United States suggests that rural places benefit from retirement in-migration, not least through the stimulation of local markets, raising the standard of existing local services and creating a demand for new services and through the influx of new skills and knowledge.²⁴

There are many examples of initiatives and strategies adopted elsewhere in the European Union and in the United States to deal with demographic ageing from which coastal locations in the UK can learn. Such strategies may be based on ensuring older people have access to vital health services, or they may be broader, encouraging a change in attitudes towards older people and ageing among governments and the public, helping enterprises to respond to the opportunities offered by ageing, and running conferences and pilot projects. In the USA, a number of states actively pursue retiree in-migration as an economic development strategy.²⁵

While these two suggested models are based on a recognition of the benefits and opportunities provided by demographic ageing, it is important not to lose sight of the challenges that ageing brings. Many older people do not enjoy good health, are reliant on low incomes, live in inadequate housing, lack access to essential services, and do not have good social networks – and thus find themselves excluded from society. It is important that these positive strategies do not overlook, or further contribute to, the isolation and exclusion of these individuals. Moreover, it is important to acknowledge the long-term implications of drawing in more older people as they age in situ and place ever-growing demands on local services.

One of the most important features of today’s older population is its diversity. While coastal locations have long been regarded as popular places in which to spend later life, a series of articles in the Sunday Times in April 2006 noted an increasing preference among older people to move to non-coastal rural and small town locations. These towns are seen to be offering better services in the form of restaurants, art galleries and theatres and a stronger sense of community as they are less affected by seasonal changes in population.²⁶ However, in contrast a recent study of 14,000 people in the UK commissioned by Saga revealed Devon as the best county for retired people to live in, as chosen by one in ten survey respondents. The survey revealed that for many of the older generation, raised in an island nation with a strong bond with its seaside resorts and bucket-and-spade days out, the sea is still a major draw. In the survey people rated the sea over the countryside as their aspirational retirement destination.²⁷ Policymakers and planners in coastal locations will need to respond to the diversity of the older population by offering a range of activities and services. 

A new trend which has been reported in the British media recently is return migration of older British ex-pats from countries such as Spain and Portugal.²⁸ There has long been a outflow of British people to the warmer climates of Mediterranean countries in search of a better quality of life at lower cost.²⁹ However, the falling value of the pound against the euro during the current economic downturn has meant that many retirees (who receive their pension in sterling) have faced massive increases in the cost of living. Emerging evidence suggests that some older ex-pats are being forced to return to the UK, and it will be interesting to observe the locations that these individuals choose to settle in on their return.

Policymakers and decision-makers looking for ways to boost the economic and social development of coastal communities could do worse than build strategies based on the wealth, skills, energy and time that older people have to devote to starting new businesses and social enterprises, or to participating in voluntary and community sector activities. However, there are a number of issues that policymakers should consider when adopting such strategies. These include:

• the need to change negative perceptions of ageing;
• the need to take a broad approach beyond pensions and care to address the economic, social and civic aspects of ageing;
• the need for better research and information on older people;
• the need to recognise the diversity of older people;
• the need for a more strategic approach to encourage older people to remain economically active or to take up voluntary roles;
• the need to ensure both compatibility with other local objectives and local community buy-in.